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Casino Money From Native Tribal Descendants 2

Casino Money From Native Tribal Descendants Online

“Turtle Mountain and Chippewa Creek are poor tribes; they’re not casino-rich tribes. They have small casinos, but they’re not casino rich,” McCoy said, noting that 30-40 percent of people living on those reservations live below poverty level. “Little Shell is a newly recognized tribe, so they need money for everything.”.
Batton’s letter was a rare public acknowledgement that some members of Congress are using the housing bill to force the Choctaw and other Native nations to recognize as citizens the descendants of people enslaved by tribal members. Those descendants, known as Freedmen, were promised tribal citizenship by treaty after the U.S.

Casino Money From Native Tribal Descendants 2

Oklahoma’s tribes unite against a common foe: Their Cherokee governor Gov. Kevin Stitt’s demands for more money from Indian casinos have sparked a bitter feud with economically powerful tribes. An “Indian land claim” is a claim for real property or money damages based on (1) an alleged illegal transfer, use, or occupation of the land and (2) a violation of any condition or restriction established by common law, statute, or other governmental enactment regarding alienation of lands owned by Indians or Indian tribes (CGS § 38a-424a).

NATIONAL GAMBLING IMPACT STUDY
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NATIVE AMERICAN GAMING

Issues: economic and social impact on reservation members and on surrounding communities; problem gamblers; constitutional status of reservations; state and federal authority regarding Indian gaming; level playing field regarding taxes and regulation vis-à-vis non-Indian gaming

Native American gaming (also referred to as Indian gaming or tribal gaming), at least on its current scale, is a relatively recent phenomenon and has developed in ways that even its proponents did not anticipate, very quickly becoming an enormous and still-rapidly-growing industry. It has generated very complex legal issues and problems, ranging from constitutional clashes over state and federal powers to rivalries within and between tribes and states. As a result (or perhaps a cause), this industry has been shaped to a very large degree by federal court rulings, rather than the political process; several ongoing cases are currently making their way through state and federal courts, several with the potential to significantly alter existing conditions and practices. As in most constitutional issues, principal and self-interest are conflated: the most abstract and noble principals cannot be easily separated from narrow self-interest. Because of the large sums of money at stake, disputes over Indian gaming have been the means of bringing many of these otherwise abstract issues to a head.

The Federal-State-Tribal Triangle

Federally-recognized Indian tribes are grouped under the legal status of 'defeated nations.' (Several non-recognized tribes, including some thought defunct for almost two centuries, are currently seeking official recognition, for a variety of motivations. Without such a designation, constitutionally they are little more than private associations). These tribes, both as collective units and their individual members, are wards of the federal government, which has a legal responsibility for their protection and the promotion of their welfare. As such, they enjoy rights, or suffer restrictions, not applicable to other Americans. For example, reservation land is not owned by the tribes or their members but instead is held in trust by the federal government. And reservations are virtually off-limits to state and local laws and authorities, even though reservation members vote in state elections. This triangular relationship between individual tribes, the respective states, and the federal government forms the center of the debate over Native America gaming, and is never absent from any aspect of it.

One key part of this many-faceted debate is the ever-present debate between those who believe assimilation into the larger American society is a worthwhile objective, and those who vociferously oppose it. As part of this contest, the image of reservations for many has changed from being places in which the residents were involuntarily confined to being places of protection from outside forces, especially against the several state governments, traditionally seen as hostile to Native American rights (The federal government, despite all of its possible benign neglect -- and the Hollywood image notwithstanding -- has traditionally been regarded as their protector). A desire to protect their 'sovereignty' against state and federal encroachment has motivated both proponents and opponents of Indian gaming, with many proponents seeing it as a means of gaining financial independence from the federal government, and some opponents seeing it as the means by which both state and federal government can increase its presence on the reservation. This argument, among others, was successfully employed by leaders of the anti-gambling movement in the two occasions when voters on the Navajo reservation, the largest in the country, turned down gambling.

Creating the Industry

The Supreme Court, in the so-called Cabazon decision of 1987, in effect removed virtually all existing restrictions on gambling on Indian reservations. What had previously been a relatively small and isolated phenomenon suddenly began growing rapidly. In response, Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) in 1988, which in effect authorized casino gambling on Indian reservations and provided a regulatory framework and oversight body for the industry in the form of the National Indian Gaming Commission (NIGC). Indian gaming was divided into three classes for purposes of licensing and regulation; Class I covers charitable and social gaming for nominal prizes; class II includes bingo, punch-boards and pull-tabs; Class III facilities include casinos, high-stakes bingo, slot machines, and all other commercial forms of gambling.

As of December 31, 1996, there were 184 tribes operating 281 gaming facilities on and off reservations. 24 states have Indian gaming; of these, 14 have casinos on Indian reservations. In 8 of these states, the only casinos in the state are on Indian reservations. In 1995, total Class III gaming revenues (money wagered minus payouts) from all sources: over $4.5 billion, with 8 facilities accounting for 40% of the total (in addition, over $300 million in revenues was earned from sale of food, hotel rooms, etc., for combined total revenue of approximately $4.9 billion). Net income (revenues minus expenses): $1.9 billion, or 38% of the $4.9 billion.

Of the $1.9 billion in net income ($1.7 from casinos, $200 million from non-charitable bingo), approximately $1.6 billion was received by 106 tribes from the operators (usually non-Indian corporations). Ten of the tribes accounted for over half of this total.

For purposes of comparison, in 1995 the 109 Class III Indian gaming facilities (casino-type gaming) generated about the same total amount in gaming revenues as the 12 Atlantic City casinos, and surpassed them in 1996. They also grossed more than 50% of the gaming revenues of the 213 Nevada casinos. This works out to 18% of the national total of casino gaming revenues and 10% of all gaming revenues. Of these 109 facilities, 8 accounted for almost half of the total revenues. This uneven distribution of revenue earned by individual casinos is similar to that of the industry in Nevada, where a handful of the 213 licensed casinos account for the bulk of the gambling revenues, and unlike that of the Atlantic City casinos, which are far more equal in their share of the local business.

It need be noted that there is no regular, comprehensive reporting of income, expenditures, etc. by Class III casinos. Many of the figures in the public literature ascribed to Indian gaming are estimates based on dubious statistics. The most reliable information comes from a General Accounting Office (GAO) study in 1997 which reported accurate data for the first time. No ongoing reporting source of accurate information is as yet in place.

Gambling as a Panacea

In addition to purposes such as regulating an industry recently brought into existence and beyond the reach of state regulators, IGRA's proponents wanted to use gambling as a means o

Casino Money From Native Tribal Descendants Online

Casino Money From Native Tribal Descendants 2

NATIONAL GAMBLING IMPACT STUDY COMMISSION

NATIVE AMERICAN GAMING

NATIONAL GAMBLING IMPACT STUDY
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Casino Money From Native Tribal Decendents